Alert from the Romanian
civil society, issued by
Freedom
House Romania
Expert
Forum (EFOR)
Romanian
Center for European Policies (CRPE)
Group
for Social Dialogue (GDS)
Center
for Independent Journalism (CJI)
Timisoara
Society
ProDoMo
Resource Center for
Public Participation (CeRe)
Bucharest, June 16th 2012
Politicization of administration by the new Romanian
government continues
The new center-left
coalition led by Prime Minister Victor Ponta continues to take revenge on
independent voices, apply pressure on the public TV and independent agencies,
in total contrast with what they were preaching just three months ago, when in
opposition After losing three cabinet
members over integrity issues in its first month in office; adopting a first-pass-the-post
electoral system that risks creating artificial super-majorities after the
November 2012 elections; and replacing all prefects and heads of territorial
agencies (formally civil servants) in just a few weeks, the new center-left
coalition led by prime minister Ponta has continued unabated with its pressures
exerted on institutions which should be nominally independent, judiciary
included. In the first half of June, the following developments took place:
The
President and Board of the public TV were dismissed and a low-key
columnist with no media management experience and a penchant for adulatory
commentary was appointed as interim director.
State institutions which are
nominally independent have awkwardly intervened in the high-profile corruption
court case of former Prime Minister Adrian Năstase, in which a final
decision is expected this month. Mr Năstase was convicted to two years in jail
in the first instance. In late May the Civil Construction Inspectorate, taken
under the direct subordination by the new PM, attempted to help the defendant
by dropping its claims. This tactic failed among public uproar, as Mr Năstase
was proved to have spoken on the phone with the head of the Inspectorate at
5.00 am in the day when this institution suddenly realized they had no reason
to be part in this case, after all. Then, in mid-June, the Ombudsman office intervened
with a procedural complaint the very day when the final hearings were held
before the Supreme Court, claiming that one of the judges was not properly
appointed on her job. All these happen after eight long years of trial in which
these institutions have raised no objection – but just one-and-a-half month
after mr Năstase political protégées, Victor Ponta and Titus Corlăţean, have
become Prime Minister and Minister of Justice, respectively.
The status of the Romanian
Cultural Institute (ICR), independent agency promoting the Romanian culture
abroad (similar to British Council) was shifted overnight from one of relative
independence under the Presidency, to subordination to the Senate. The lesser
objection to this change is that it was done through emergency ordinance of the
government, and it is not clear what was the emergency here. The frequent use
of emergency ordinances was exactly what the current coalition leaders were
criticizing while in opposition, only a few months ago. The more important
objection is that the move is a transparent attempt to eliminate Horia Roman
Patapievici, a respected writer and philosopher, who has successfully led
ICR in the last years, raising it from its post-communist mediocrity to an
international profile. The committee of culture in the Romanian Senate, which
is now to control ICR, is known as a rock bed of backward-looking nationalism
and has repeatedly criticized the cosmopolitan direction of ICR under
Patapievici. Writers and intellectuals with both rightist and leftist leanings
have issued protests against the government, pointing out that under this
leadership ICR has for the first time promoted cultural products based on
objective criteria, not personal whims of its bosses.
The fact that such things occurred in the first months of
the new mandate betrays, if not a carefully orchestrated plan, then at least an
irrepressible desire of the new power to silence critical voices, interfere in
court cases and colonize the independent state agencies, before and after the
November 2012 parliamentary elections, at an unprecedented speed. This is a
dramatic U-turn from the position expressed by the same people until two months
ago. The independent civil society is determined to continue unabated its
watchdog efforts. We count on the support of PSE and ALDE groups in the
European Parliament, who may help by persuading their Romanian colleagues to
stop such excesses unworthy of a modern, European center-left administration.
We believe that the difficult responsibility to steer the country through the
economic crisis and safeguard Romania’s macro balances do not justify the
politicization of public bodies and stifling of the societal voices.
Cristina Guseth, Freedom House Romania
Sorin Ioniţă, Expert Forum (EFOR)
Cristian Ghinea, Romanian Center for European Policies
(CRPE)
Magda Cârneci, Grupul pentru Dialog Social (GDS)
Ioana Avădani, Center for Independent Journalism (CJI)
Florian Mihalcea, Societatea Timisoara
Roxana Wring, ProDoMo
Oana Preda, CeRe
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